Specialized production of the domeStic and ritual mochica ceramicS

Transcripción

Specialized Production of the Domestic and Ritual Mochica Ceramics
Specialized Production of the Domestic and
R itual Mochica Ceramics
Hélène Bernier1
DIntroduction
Abstract
From the third Century AD, the Mochica society became the first
expansionist State to develop on the Peruvian north coast. In the
urban capital of Huacas de Moche, recent excavations revealed the
existence of workshops dedicated to craft production. Thousands
of objects produced by craft specialists were also found in
various domestic and funerary contexts. This article examines
the organization of specialized production of domestic and ritual
ceramic objects at Huacas de Moche. Workshops will be described
and the contexts of ceramic production will be discussed. The
distribution and consumption of vessels and objects made by
specialized ceramists will be examined as well. Through the
analysis of consumption patterns, we will discuss the social roles
played by ceramists in the economic, political, and ritual spheres
of the Mochica society.
Key words: mochica – Peru – ceramics – craft specialists.
Received: March 2007. Accepted: January 2009.
The presence of specialized craftsmen has established an
important criteria towards the definition of Prehistoric
States (Childe 1950; Service 1962). During the last decades, the specialized craft production has particularly
called the attention of researchers through the study of
complex societies (Evans 1978; Tossi 1984; Brumfiel
y Earle 1987; Clark y Parry 1990; Costin 1991; Helms
1993; Clark 1995; Costin y Wright 1998). The specialized phenomenon makes reference to situations in which
a craftsman is partly or completely away from the food
production. As a consequence, the craftsman should
obtain part or even his complete sustenance, from the
exchange of the goods that he produces (Costin 1991;
Evans 1978; Muller 1984). There is a relation of interdependence between specialized craftsmen and the consumers of their goods.
This article talks about the specialized production of domestic and ritual Mochica ceramics at Huacas de Moche,
a site located on the Peruvian north coast. First of all, we
will discuss some essential theoretical aspects within the
analysis of the specialization of the work, and, secondly,
we will describe the ceramic workshops from Huacas de
Moche site, as well as the distribution and consumption of pots, made by specialized craftsmen. Finally, we
will discuss the social contexts in which the craftsmen
worked and the economic, politic and ritual necessities
attached to the production of ceramics in the Mochica
society.
D The Mochica People
1 Department of Art History and Archaeology , University of Maryland,
College Park, MD 20742 , USA . Email: helenebernier13 @ yahoo.ar
157
The Mochica society developed on the desert of the
Peruvian north coast between the centuries I and VIII
(AD), establishing towns and urban centers around the
fertile valleys formed by the rivers which descend from
the Andes Mountain range to the Pacific Ocean. Archeologists nowadays recognize the division of the Mochica
Nº 37 / 2009.
2009 pp. 157-177
Estudios Atacameños
Arqueología y Antropología Surandinas
Hélène Bernier
territory into two different cultural regions: the Mochica people from the north and the Mochica people from
the south. Although the inhabitants from both regions
shared many characteristics based on their religions, rituals and iconography, they also had specific differences
based on their ceramic traditions and respective political organizations (Castillo and Donnan 1994; Shimada
1994; Castillo y Uceda 2008). The Mochica people from
the south established the first Prehispanic expansionist
and centralized state in South America since the four
century of our era which corresponds to the Moche IV
phase (Hastings y Moseley 1975; Donnan y Mackey
1978; Topic 1978; Wilson 1988; Moseley 1992; Bawden
1996; Chapdelaine 2001, 2002, 2003; Billman 2002).
In contrast, the Mochica territory from the north seems
to have been fragmented in three independent political
systems, which were located in the Piura, Lambayeque
and Jequetepeque valleys (Figure 1).
versity of Montreal (Chapdelaine 1997, 2000, 2001,
2002, 2003), was intended to study the urbanism and
the domestic Mochica architecture. This project was integrated to the wide-ranging program, Huaca de la Luna
Archeological Project, directed by S. Uceda and R. Morales from the National University of Trujillo (Uceda et al.
1997, 1998, 2000, 2003, 2006; Uceda 2001; Uceda and
Tufinio2003).
Huacas de Moche site is considered the urban capital or
a center of primary importance in the Southern Mochica
state. The place has a 60 hectares plain surrounded by
the Blanco hill in the east, the river Moche in the north
and two tremendous platforms under the names Huaca
de Sol and Huaca de Luna (Figure 2). Several meters under the sandy surface of the plains we can found a huge
urban sector which consists of residential complexes,
streets and public squares (Figure3). The excavations
in the monumental and residential sectors suggest that
Huaca de Moche site was a crucial center for administrative, political, and ceremonial activities. It was also
known for activities related to the craft industry (Chapdeline 2003, Bernier 2005). At the site lived members
of the ruling elite who maintained authority and were
responsible for the continuity of ritual activities and state
institutions. At the site also lived a large urban population composed by lineages and corporative groups whose
members were intimately related to religious, economic
and political functions in the city, and were also well integrated to Mochica social structure, despite the fact of
being marked by unequal economic status and having
diversified social roles. The archeological data of this investigation comes from the urban center Huacas de Moche site, and from stratigraphic levels which correspond
to the peak phase Moche IV. The data has been collected since 1994 under two research projects: The Moche
Urban Zone, directed by C. Chapdeleine from The Uni-
The context of the craft production makes reference to
the affiliation degree among the craftsmen and the ruling elite, it also makes reference to the category of the
consumers for whom the produced goods are destined.
Within the context of affiliation, the specialized craftsmen produced goods for a selected and restricted group
of consumers under the authority of bosses who belong
to the elite.
158
D Historical Aspects
The organization of the craft production is very diverse
and can be analyzed by considering several interrelated
factors, as well as the intensity (full or part time production), the amount (production in a small or large scale),
the context (affiliated or independent production) and
the categories of produced goods. These two last factors
are the ones that matter in this study).
In the independent context, craftsmen can served the
general population and they possess the rights over
the goods they produce (Gero 1983; Brumfiel and Earle 1987; Clark and Parry 1990; Costin 1991; Costin and
Hagstrum 1995).
The production of utilitarian goods is an answer to the
essential needs of daily life. These goods are different
from prestige objects, which transmitted a symbolic
message (Peebles and Kuss 1997; Clark 1986; Brumfiel
and Earle 1987; Costin 1991; Hayden 1998). Besides possessing different nature and function, the two categories
of goods respond to different dynamics of production. In
the production of utilitarian goods, the specialist manages his own economy and his efficiency, by saving energy
and raw material.
The production of prestige goods, which are useful to
solve different social problems, responds to a contrary
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Figure 1. Territory of the Mochica State during the Mochica IV phase. Drawing by the author.
159
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Hélène Bernier
logic. The specialist can invest an important amount of
time and work and as a result, he increases the material
and symbolic value of the objects.
From one society to the other, the specialized production
responds to economic, ecologic, social and political needs, which are related to the social status of the population. The economic basis of the craft specialization is
related to concepts of efficacy, intensity and productivity.
Moreover, in non-industrial societies, the situation is less
expensive in terms of invested energy and time dedicated
to the production, when specific objects are made in an
intensive way by a small group of specialized individuals,
than when the mentioned objects are occasionally made
by a single person (Evans 1978; Hagstrum1985).
The development of the specialized work causes technology improvement on the produced goods, since the
craftsman have the opportunity to master knowledge on
his field through work concentration (Service 1962). The
Figure 2. General plane from Huacas de Moche site. Drawing by the author.
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Figure 3. Plane from Huacas de Moche urban sector. Drawing by the author.
high efficiency of the specialists dedicated to food or material goods production, provides an economic advantage
to the hierarchical societies in which work is specialized
(Evans 1978).
The adaptative foundations from craft specialization
refer mainly to utilitarian goods. In this sense, the craft
specialization related to the exchange of essential material goods among regions, allows a better adaptation to
the unequal distribution of the natural resources in the
territory.
The craft specialization also allows the advantageous
exploitation of technological differences in both groups
(Brumfiel and Earle 1987).
Finally, the supervision of the specialized craftsmen’s
work, is a political opportunity used by people from the
elite in order to consolidate their power. When the politi161
cal motivations have priority over the economic or adaptative efficacy will, the elite becomes the first beneficiary
from the craft specialization. The leading groups use craft production in a strategic way to create and maintain
social inequality. In that way, these groups are able to
increase and legitimate their power, reinforcing political
coalitions and control institutions (Brumfiel and Earle1987; Junker 1999).
DArcheological data in Huacas de Moche:
Production Workshops
Several workshops specialized in craft, metals, and stone
have been discovered in Huacas de Moche site. Workshops dedicated to textiles might have also existed (Uceda and Armas 1997, 1998; Chapdelaine 1998; Jara 2000;
Chapdelaine et al. 2001, 2003; Chiguala et al. 2004; Bernier 2005, 2008; Rengifo and Rojas 2008). These workshops give us information about different aspects related
Nº 37 / 2009
Hélène Bernier
to craft production. The mentioned aspects are defined
by concrete and tangible objects such as ovens, as well as
concentration of raw material, tools, manufacturing waste, non-completed or broken objects (Evan 1978; Tossi
1984; Costin 1991).
Two craft workshops are well known in Huacas de Moche site. The first one, located in the east part of the
urban sector, was destined to the production of objects
made of fine and decorated ceramics (see figure 3). The
objects that were produced in great amounts were molded feminine figures and musical instruments such as
whistles, ocarinas, trumpets and rattles. Figurative ornaments were also produced, as well as piruros??? And
decorated vases such as bottles and jugs. Decorated pots
with painted scenes and tri-dimensional images were
also found in the workshop. Among those pots there
were representations of hunting and warriors, portrait
pots and erotic scenes (Uceda and Armas 1998).
All the fabrication stages of the marked objects were
made in the same place, by using a local clay (Chapdelaine et al. 1995): the preparation of materials that remove
grease, the preparation of pastes, creation of matrixes,
making of molds and objects, the preparation and application of englobes???, the drying, the cooking and the
storing of finished products. The set of production hints
includes, for instance, the combustion zone and several
tools: more than thousand molds (figure 4), hands and
flat stones for grinding, discs for potters, polishers, and
large jars to store water and clay (Table 1) (Uceda and Armas 1997, 1998; Armas 1998). The potter workshop was
vertically located above three floors that belong to the
Moche IV phase. The workshop was not completely dug
in none of the occupations, but one knows that the most
recent excavation corresponds to several environments
which belong to one or several architectural sets. The
workshop’s surface spreads itself beyond the 300 m2
dug area (Uceda and Armas 1997, 1998; Armas 1998).
The workshop for fine ceramics at Huacas de Moche site,
is not the only workshop well known for the Southern
Mochica state. In Chicama Valley, a second site was reported. That site is specialized in the production of fine
ceramics. At the Cerro Mayal site, which is located 1.5
kilometers from the ceremonial center of Mocollope,
a group of specialized craftsmen produced decorated
162
Figure 4. Mold of a “vase portrait” Mochica. Picture
from the author.
pots, molded figures, musical instruments and ornaments very similar to the ones made inthe workshop at
Huacas de Moche site. The production center in Mayal
Hill consisted on three different functional zones. In
the first zone one worked with raw clay and the pieces
were molded and painted. At the cooking zone which
included a stove, one has found concentration of fuel
(vegetal coal) together with pieces which were rejected or
broken by accident. The last zone was dedicated to store
in small adobe, stone and cane structures. At the Cerro
Mayal workshop one found great quantities of molds,
not cooked ceramic pieces and raw clay dough; these last
ones originally wrapped in textiles (Russel et al. 1994,
1998; Russel and Jackson 2001).
Other zones dedicated to the production of ritual ceramics existed in Santa Ana Valley. Although any specialized workshop associated to architectonical structures
has been discovered, high mold concentrations, parts of
pots and other pieces with cooking defect and raw clay
(including kaolin) were discovered in the sites GUAD
– 88 (Taillon –Pellerin 2004) and San José Hacienda
(Chapdeleine and Pimentel 2001 Ms).
The second ceramics workshop documented in Huacas
de Moche site is a place for the production of utilitarian
pots, located right under the first rocky outcrop in the
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Occupancy 1 (oldest)
Occupancy 2
(intermediate)
Occupancy 3
(superficial)
Total
12
11
1
24
matrices
2
2
-
4
figurines
6
9
-
15
musical instruments
2
-
1
3
ritual vessels
2
-
-
2
7
30
13
50
of figurines
2
7
9
18
of musical instruments
1
5
1
7
of ritual vessels
4
10
2
16
of earrings
-
8
1
9
finished objects
40
116
19
175
figurines
29
49
14
92
musical instruments
5
35
2
42
ritual vessels
1
7
1
9
earrings
5
25
2
32
59
157
33
249
Type of object
unbaked objects
molds
Total
Table 1 Distribution of the complete ceramic objects directly related to each one of the floors of the fine ceramics work-
shop (according to Uceda and Armas 1998). Objects found in the layers among floors were not included.
northwest part of Blanco Hill (see figure 2). Been registered by Uhle at the beginning of the 20th century
(Kaulicke 1998), this workshop has never been dug. It is
still possible to observe several architectonic remains exposed on the surface. Those remains are associated with
concentrations of material signs which demonstrate the
in situ fabrication of utilitarian pots. On the whole surface of this sector, one can observe thousands of fragments
from domesticated cooked pots, raw fragments or fragments with boiling defects, edges from larger jars, flat
stones for grinding, hands for grinding, polishers, discs
for potters, and ash concentrations (figure 5; Jara 2000).
The great formal variability from the fragmented pots
indicates that in this sector pots and jars from diverse
seizes and also storing jars were produced.
D Archeological Data: Contexts of Consumption
The recent diggings in monumental structures, housing
and funerary contexts from Huacas de Moche urban sec-
163
tor demonstrate that the daily life in the city constantly
generated a strong request for a great variety of material
goods, especially those goods produced by specialized
potters.
Utilitarian Ceramics
Molded by hand but presenting standardized forms, the
non-decorated utilitarian pots were made with a thick
paste. These pots have thicker walls than the ritual ceramics (Gamarra and Gayoso 2008). According to their dimensions and morphological characteristics, utilitarian
pots can be classified in three general categories:
1. Pots are jars of small size, with spherical body, short
neck and wide mouth (Manrique and Cáceres 1989).
These pots are easy to move and manipulate and they
have an appropriate form designed to cook food, due to
their open shape which favors access to the content and
also due to its rounded base, lightly squashed, well designed to carry the heat (Henrickson and MacDonald 1983;
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Hélène Bernier
Figure 6. Domestic Mochica pot. Photograph by Claude
Chapdelaine.
Figure 5. View from the workshop of domestic ceramics
from Huacas site. Photograph by the author.
Lumbreras 1987). Pots from Huacas de Moche site are
made with a porous paste (Mantha 1999); in that way
pots could resist the thermic crashes caused by fire (figure 6).
2. Jugs are usually bigger pots with a straight and taller
neck, a larger body which becomes narrow and a narrower mouth (figure 7). Jugs have thin walls and they are
quite light in proportion to their volume; in that way they
can be easily moved (Mantha 1999). Like pots, jugs were
also used to cook food. With their closed shaped, they
were appropriate to carry liquids and store products easy
to pour, such as salt, grains or live mollusks preserved in
water.
3. Larger jars are massive pots with very big seize, with
thick walls, without neck, ovoid body and a convex base.
The most voluminous larger jars have an extended shape which narrows slightly in the center, where the potter, during its making process, put together the upper
part and the lower part (figure 8). These pots were used
164
to store liquids like water of “chicha” (beer made from
corn). The diameter of its mouth, usually more than 30
centimeters, is inferior in comparison to its body diameter. Its content is partly protected, but it remains accessible so it is possible to introduce a bowl. The big jars
which displayed a considerable weight were difficult to
move and they were usually placed in primary contexts,
aligned throughout house walls. Other jars, which were
not so voluminous and with an opener shape, sometimes
present burning traces in their exterior walls. They were
possibly used to boil and ferment chicha, in the same way
that local people use similar jars nowadays in the north
coast of Perú (Bankes 1985).
Mochica utilitarian pots had probably a short life, especially the pots that were constantly placed on the fire and
moved very often. The great amount of abandoned pots
in housing context shows the massive use and the high
demand of pans, jugs and large jars. One has not found
utilitarian pots in situ in tombs or inside the monumental architecture of the site Huacas de Moche. Although
chicha and food may have been consumed at the squares
and platforms from Huaca de Luna, most likely is that
the food had been prepared in the kitchens of the nearer
architectural complexes. In fact, the utilitarian pots represent an important percentage of the ceramics that was
registered in all the domestic sectors of the site, including completed or fragmented pots (Table 2). These pots
–due to their big proportions and weight – were items
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Type of object
in primary context deposition
in surface layers
Total
domestic pots
55
146
201
domestic pitchers
132
288
420
storage vessels
18
65
83
ritual vessels (fine / decorated)
179
507
686
figurines
102
228
330
musical instruments
53
177
230
earrings
2
18
20
Table 2. Distribution of the objects made by specialized potters at an architectural complex from Huacas de Moche2
urban center. In order to determine the morphological type of the pot and to accomplish its reconstruction, one has only
consider complete earrings, figurines or completed or semi-completed musical instruments, as well as bigger pots. Diagnosis to determine the pot morphological type has been taking in account in order to accomplish its reconstruction.
mics are smaller and more delicate, they are made from a
more fine paste. The principal morphologic type of ritual
pots are the jugs, the bottles (which have lateral handle),
the “vases” (open pots with a wide mouth), the bowls
(with or without neck), the cancheros (pots with lenticular shape, with handle) and the melting pots.
Pots with higher quality characterized by the artistic
and technical knowledge that was invested in their production and decoration, they also characterized by the
symbolism that they transmitted. The ritual pots have
sculptural, geometric or figurative decoration. The symbolic message conveyed by decorated pots can take the
form of iconographic scenes which were painted on the
body. The mentioned iconographic scenes were composed of elements inspired by the natural environment in
which mochicas lived, and also by its ideological universe (figure 9). These elements are human beings, animals,
plants, objects, hybrid or supernatural creatures, which
formed complex narrative sequences. In other cases, the
ideological message is composed by a single element
which was represented in a tridimensional way.
Figure 7. Mochica domestic jug / Photograph by
Claude Chapdelaine).
difficult to carry, and most likely they were destined to be
used almost exclusively by the local population.
These fine ceramic pots which have been named “rituals”
are mostly placed in the domestic sectors of Huacas de
Moche site (see Table 2). These pots are also placed in fu-
Fine or Ritual Ceramics
Generally molded, pots made of fine ceramics present
more varied shapes than utilitarian ceramics. Fine cera-
165
2. Example of architectural complex 37 (figure 3). This complex, dug during the 2000 season, has 280 mts2 and it is located at 1.5 meters under the current surface of the site.
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Hélène Bernier
Figure 8. Storing jars in situ at the Huacas de Moche urban sector. Photograph by the author).
nerary contexts and they were considered the most common type of offering to the dead. The pots can be found
in almost each dug tomb, ranging from the most humble
to the most prestigious. These pots were accessible to the
whole urban population in variable quantities and qualities, according to the economic status of the individuals.
These pots used to be an exceptional integration means
of the dead to the cultural and ideological Mochica system. The pots conveyed the social identity of the dead
and their beliefs and the beliefs of their fellows in relation
with death.
and in other Mochica urban places such as Guadalupito
in Santa Ana Valley. For instance, 179 pots, painted or
molded, decorated with geometric or figurative designs
Ritual pots were not only used as funerary offerings,
they were also used as daily life tools. Many of those pots
show traces of use or had been repaired to prolong their
lives (Mogrovejo 1996). Only a small percentage of the
decorated pots was finally set up in burials and tombs,
but the great majority was not used for funeral matters,
they were used in people’s daily life. An important amount of these pieces were accidentally broken during the
daily use, therefore fragments were thrown away (Donnan and McClelland 1999). Furthermore, many pots
which were found in tombs display abrasive traces or they
show fractures due to previous use as funerary offerings.
Figure 9. Mochica painted ritual pot from a tomb at
A high quantity of decorated pots has been documented in each one of the houses dug in Huacas de Moche
166
Huacas de Moche urban sector. Photograph by the
author).
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Figure 10. Fine ceramic objects from Huacas de Moche urban sector: a) feminine figurines; b) whistle; c) earrings in the
shape of an owl, an skeleton and a peanut /Drawings from the author, Hernando Malca and Fernando Moncada.
come from primary contexts of placement at the architectural complex 37 Huacas de Moche. Unlike utilitarian
ceramics, only few decorated pots come from spaces dedicated to kitchen activities and storing within this set,
but they were present in the inside yard with benches, a
space dedicated to civic and ritual activities of the residents. The decorated fragments were particularly abundant in the spacious exterior yard, a place where one has
also found storing jars, and more than 4000 fragments
from camelid bones. Everything indicates that the decorated pots were important elements in Mochica’s daily
life because they were used in special dinners or during
the banquets organized by the leaders of familiar or corporative groups, allowing those people to show their
identity, status and wealth.
The figurines, the musical instruments and the body ornaments were also fine ceramics objects produced and
used by the citizens of Huacas de Moche (Figure 10, Table 2). The feminine figures are found in each dug house, complete or fractured between head and body. Those
feminine figures were probably used like lucky charms
during domestic rituals, or considered objects with magic and protective properties related to human or agricultural fertility. They can usually be found in contexts of
preparation or storing of food or chicha (Limoges 1999).
They might have been used in healing rituals, in the same
167
way they are used today by the modern healers (curanderos) in the north coast of Peru (Joralemon and Sharon
1993).
Musical instruments such as whistles, rattles, ocarinas,
pututuos3, and trumpets had a strong ritual connotation.
For instance, according to Bourget (2001), the act of
whistling was related to notions of sacrifice, human offerings, and communication with ancestors. In Mochica’s
iconography, trumpets and pututos are manipulated by
warriors and priests during fight activities, sacrifices and
burial rituals (Desjardins2000).Therefore, the abundance of ceramic musical instruments found in several
Mochica houses was unexpected. Whistles, rattles, and
trumpets were probably used by citizens of Huaca de
Moche on regular basis in rituals and recreational contexts. The inhabitants of the city also used earrings made
of molded ceramics, those earrings represented several
animals, plants, supernatural objects or beings, such as
owls, pallares?????, peanuts, seeds, cudgels or skeletons.
These figurative ornaments, beside their aesthetic value,
possessed a strong symbolic connotation because they
3 Mochica pututo are functional copies, made of ceramics, from trumpets manufactured with a seashells, which were used in some Andean
societies.
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Hélène Bernier
were closely related to the Mochica ideological universe
and also to their artistic representation canons (Bernier
1999).
The fine ceramic workshop found in the Chicama Valley
and the production hints which belong to Santa Valley
would indicate that during Mochica’s heyday, each valley
had their own ceramic production4. Objects produced at
the fine ceramics workshop in Huacas de Moche were
chiefly destined to local markets. Molds and incomplete
pieces have important similarities with pots, figurines,
musical instruments and ornaments which were found
in the houses of the site. In some cases has been possible
to determine that some of those appliances were manufactured with molds registered at the ceramic workshop
of the site.
The excavations carried out in rural areas of Mochica
middle valley demonstrate that several groups of farmers
who lived far from the regional centers, particularly the
residents of Ciudad de Dios, also used decorated pots,
whistles and figurines similar to the ones found in the
houses of Huacas de Moche (Gumerman and Briceño;
Ringberg 2008). The lack of molds in Ciudad de Dios
indicates that these symbolic objects were produced outside the village. It will be necessary to call on a neutronic
activation analysis to determine if those pots were produced in the fine ceramics workshop in Hauca de Moche.
D Ceramic Production Contexts at Huacas
de Moche
A Specialized Production
In the south part of Mochica state utilitarian pots and
fine ceramic objects were produced by specialized craftsmen. Specialized production is attested by direct hints
such as the presence of workshops where one finds important concentrations of appliances attached to craft
activities (molds, matrixes, row clay, pieces that had not
4 Some ritual pots which were manufactured in Moche Valley were exported to the territories controlled by provincial elites. A vase “florero”
found in Guadalupito, Santa Valley is an example of one of those pots.
That “florero” was found in a high status architectural complex. It was
made of clay and it was very similar to the clay of Moche Valley (Kennedy and Chapdelaine 2004 Ms).
168
been cooked or with cooked defects). On the contrary,
these hints are not found in dwellings, except in the case
of several concentrations of molds located in storing
settings at the Huacas de Moche site. Some citizens of
Huacas de Moche had molds, but the production of objects created by means of these appliances seems to have
been restricted. Very simple objects with simple decorations such as beads, spoons, ocarinas could be made in
the dwellings. On the contrary, symbolic objects such as
painted pots or pots with relief, feminine figures, effigy
whistles and figurative earrings were produced in different and clearly specialized contexts.
This type of production is also attested by indirect hints,
especially the big utilitarian pots, the ones that display a
high formal standard level (Mantha 1999). The manufacture of those pots required a remarkable technical skill.
Ethnographic studies that deal with traditional pottery
production show that modeling and cooking of big sized pots are complex processes which need an intense
knowledge of clay’s composition and properties (Rice
1987; Shimada 1994b).
Affiliated or Independent Production
The urban zone of Huacas de Moche site, dug during the
last 15 years, provides important data for the analysis of
the specialized production. The archeological data from
the production and consumption contexts in Huacas de
Moche seem to indicate that the specialized potters who
produced symbolic and ritual objects were affiliated to
the elite, while the potters who produce utilitarian ceramic worked in a more independent context.
It is important to notice that the location of workshops
is one of the main distinction criterion among affiliated
and independent specialists (Clark 1986; Costin 1991).
The ritual ceramic workshop is located closed to a monumental structure occupied by the elite, Huaca de Luna,
and that location facilitates the control of production.
The workshop was also located on the east side of a wide
street that separates the middle status residential architectural complexes. Those complexes were located on
the west part of the high status complexes which were
destined to ceremonial use and were occupied by elite
members situated on the East (see figure 3, Verano et al.
1999; Pimentel and Alvarez 2000, Chauchat and GutiéNº 37 / 2009
rrez 2004). The utilitarian ceramics workshop, on the
contrary, was farther from the urban center and from the
architectural complexes of the elite.
The nature of the goods produced in the workshops and
the identity of the intended recipients tell us about the
level of affiliation, or the level of independence of the craftsmen. The independent specialists, who were subjected
to contest in the acquisition of food resources, in exchange for craft goods, tend to favor economy behaviors and
efficiency in their craft practices. On the contrary, the
archeological hints related to elite’s consumption and to
the production of luxurious goods, are more susceptible
to denote an affiliate specialization. The manufactured
process for the elite’s consumption implies a complex technology, an important investment of energy and a great
artistic experience (Clark 1986).
The objects produced in the workshop for ritual ceramics
did not belong to the most prestigious objects in Mochica material culture, but they possessed a high symbolic
value, expressed by their decorations and figurative representations or by the contexts in which they were used,
such as: the consumption of food items in particular
circumstances, the enforcement of domestic and public
rituals, or the demonstration of belonging to a dominant
group on behalf of their users. These objects can be qualified as “goods that belong to an intermediary status”
(Bernier 2008). Although local clay was used, the white
pigments used in the decoration of trumpets, rattles, and
ritual pots came from the top of the northern Andes. The
northern Andes were located outside the Mochican territory and was dominated by different ethnical groups
such as groups Recuay, Huamachuco and Cajamarca.
These pigments were obtained through long distance
exchange. The possession and later distribution of those
pigments were controlled by the elites from Huacas de
Moche. Several inhabitants of the city used ritual ceramic objects, these groups were: familiar groups that belonged to middle status, ritual specialists, urban leaders
and members of the elite.
On the contrary, the pots produced in the domestic ceramics workshop had only utilitarian value. Those pots
showed little symbolic value and they were not present
as burial offerings at Huacas de Moche site. Usually those pieces were neither decorated nor polished, and they
169
reflected energy and time saving behaviors which were
common to potters’ independent specialization. Utilitarian pots linked to food preparation were used by the
entire population and they were rarely related to elite
architecture or to ritual activities. All the raw material
used in the domestic ceramics workshop was available, it
was also near and abundant; its attainment could barely
have been restricted or controlled by the elite. The presence of potters’ marks only in utilitarian5 pots supports
the hypothesis which asserts that they were produced by
independent potters. Those potters were in precarious
conditions and presented lack of competence to guarantee their sustenance from their craft work. Those potters
needed to distinguish and identify themselves as owners
of the pots they made; having a different experience, affiliated potters worked under the authority of bosses who
controlled the production. The identification of their
pots would have assured the independent craftsmen recognition and remuneration by the people who consume
their products (Bernier 2005). Although it is difficult to
confirm that Mochican utilitarian pots were produced by
independent potters (Gamarra and Gayoso 2008), there appears to be no indication that relates the control of
their production by elite groups.
The Organization of the Affiliated Production
The category of “specialized potters linked to the elite” is
too general. Several elite categories, characterized by diverse social roles and levels of power, were present in the
southern Mochican state and live in Huacas de Moche.
These elites live also in regional centers provided with
monumental architecture. Archaeologists suppose that
members of the ruling elite and high status individuals
linked to them led the social hierarchy. This group of individuals maintain its authority over the population and labor,
over the official ideology and over the symbols approved to
express the mentioned authority (Bawden 1996).
A category of “urban elite” which maintains a more direct relation of authority over lineages and corporative
groups of the urban population from Mochican south
state, has been documented in Huacas de Moche and in
several regional centers. The presence of urban groups is
5 For a detailed analysis of the Moche potters’ marks in Santa Valley, see
Donnan (1971).
Nº 37 / 2009
Hélène Bernier
demonstrated by several archeological data, for instance,
the great variability with relation to burial practices in
the urban context (Millaire 2002; Tello et al. 2003) and
the diverse quality of domestic architecture (Topic 1977;
van Gijseghem 2001; Chapdelaine et al. 2013 MS).
Specialized potters could have been linked to the leading
elite or to a secondary category of elite, like the one composed by urban leaders. It seems that both situations
existed simultaneously. The most prestigious fine pots,
such as the huaco-portraits and the bottle with complex
narrative scenes which were delicately painted, could
have been produced by specialists closely related to the
ruling elite. However, the prestigious pots and the corresponding molds are rare elements but they are present
in Huacas de Moche and Cerro Mayal workshops.
The production of intermediary goods in those two
workshops were probably controlled in a direct way, by
urban leaders who at the same time were under the command of a superior authority. These goods were not only
destined to the ruling elite, but also to the urban population, since they are present in each dug dwelling. The fine
ceramics workshop from Huacas de Moche, located in
proximity with the monumental architecture of the site,
places itself near several high status architectural complexes from the urban sector of the site.
The archeological data does not allow people to precisely
determine the way in which the circulation of intermediated goods among Mochica familiar groups was supervised. It is unlikely that the fine pots, the figurines,
musical instruments and ornaments were completely collected, stored and redistributed by the ruling elite. One
has not found any storing structure on a larger scale and
related to public or monumental architecture in Huacas
de Moche, and at the principal square Huaca de Luna.
Although there were zones destined to social meetings
and solemn presentations among chiefs, there were not
storage environments on a large scale (Gamboa 2005,
2008). While certain amount of the production of fine
pots could be destined to be used as a tribute for the ruling elite, the great majority of the intermediate goods
was destined to barter or exchange among the productive and familiar groups; and under the supervision of
urban leaders. These exchanges also imply the exchange
of food, chicha, complementary material goods, services
170
or alliances. The production of a great amounts of chicha
was possible in the dwellings of the producers and consumers of intermediate goods in Huacas de Moche. Stoves, metates, pots and vessels for the storage of liquids
are located in each domestic complex of the site. These
objects were also found near the workshops were one
created complementary products such as cupper objects
and stone ornaments (Chapdelaine 1997; Chiguala et al.
2004, 2006; Bernier 2006).
D The Foundations of Mochica Ceramic Production
Workshops provide information about the organization
related to ceramics production, the housing structure
and dug funerary complexes. Workshops also give information about the contexts of use of material goods, and
eventually, they give information about the foundations
of craft production.
Without any doubt, the specialized ceramic production
had a great impact in the Mochica economic sphere.
In Huacas de Moche any familiar group seems to have
been completely autonomous regarding the production
of pots, figurines and musical instruments. The economic advantages of the specialized production are linked
to the efficiency and to the productivity of the potter’s
work. The specialization allows to production of more
objects displaying better qualities with a smaller investment of time and energy (Evan 1978; Hagstrum 1995).
The economic advantages derived from craft specialization should be notice more in the case of utilitarian
ceramics which is praised for its technical qualities and
whose value do not decrease due to economic behaviors
in the production process. Utilitarian vessels such as
pots, jugs and jars were used on a large scale in Mochican
urban dwellings. The production of utilitarian vessels
was strongly favored due to the knowledge of the accurate technological processes, the experience of potters and
for the competence derived from the presence of specialist craftsmen who were in the same place.
From an economic point of view, specialized production
can have many advantages in relation to the goods that
have high material and symbolic value, since the specialization context and the use of molds increase the production efficiency and the attachment to stylistic standards.
Nº 37 / 2009
Archeological contexts in urban centers of Moche and
Santa valleys indicate that several symbolic goods, especially fine pots with simple decorations and feminine
figures were manufactured on a large scale. However,
Mochica ceramists not always took advantages of massive production economic potential as it occurred with the
production of fine ceramics. For instance, although many
identical pots could have been produced with the same
mold, potters limited the quantity of their production
and invested additional time to add mold or painted details to the final products. The diverse portrait pots from
the same character were never identical at all, since potters added different ornaments, headgears and painted
motives (Donnan 2001), one can said that the economic
advantages of the specialized production do not appear
to have been completely attached to the production of
decorated pots.
The decorated ceramics, provided with strong symbolism and also with ritual and material value, plays an important role within the use of the specialized production
with political means (Hayden 1995, 1998). At Huacas
de Moche site, urban leaders who were in charge of the
production of intermediated goods, took advantage of
the privileged access that they have in relation with those
material symbols, in order to elaborate their own political
strategies. The familiar groups from Huacas de Moche
urban sector had exchange relationships, debts, reciprocity and rivalry among them (van Gijseghem 2001). By
being considered means of expression of the Mochicha
ideology, objects of fine ceramics played an important
role when dealing with political strategies within the family environment. These objects inserted in the mechanisms of identity creation and in the traps used to raise
in social status. Urban leaders could improve their socio
political status through production, possession, manipulation and distribution of symbolic objects. As we
have seen, decorated pots and musical instruments were
an essential part of the competitive feasts and of other
rituals that accompany each birth, passage ritual, and funerary ceremony; in those specific occasions the mentioned artifacts were displayed or offered. In a similar way,
feminine figures were probably used as talismans during
domestic rituals and healing sessions. At the same time,
ceramic earrings imitated sumptuous ornaments created
with less accessible materials and worn by members of
the ruling elite.
171
The urban leaders from Huacas de Moche were not the
only hierarchical stratum that took advantage of the production control of fine ceramics. The ruling elite of the
site would have also benefited from the production of
symbolic ceramics, using it in a strategic form, in order
to keep the performance of the social system led by them,
or in order to express and consolidate their power and to
legitimate their authority. The selective use of symbolic
material goods and the control of their production with
political means was not limited to fine ceramics at Huacas de Moche site. Several metallurgy workshops and
also workshops dedicated to the carving of stone ornaments existed in the urban area of the site, and were conducted by urban leaders, or in the case of metallurgy, by
the ruling elite (Uceda and Rengifo 2006; Bernier 2008;
Rengifo and Rojas 2008).
Mochica urban centers sheltered a great amount of workers who were integrated to the political system, the
same workers who assured the completion and continuity of the state structure and bore the prestige of their elite. By favoring workers’ access to symbolic ceramic since
workers could easily identify with it, the ruling elite was
reinforcing the population’s feeling of belonging to the
system. Besides, workers would benefit from their jobs.
Mochica elite had also interest in using decorated high
status ceramics to officially demonstrate the authority
that it possessed through public rituals, funerary ceremonies, or other ostentatious manifestations of power.
Prestigious and symbolic ceramics was essential within
the strategy of authority legitimation. Indeed, the power
of the ruling elite and the institutionalized social hierarchy were associated with liberty restrictions and also
with resources restrictions to a great amount of the population. By manipulating the official ideology with political means, the elite could display its authority and also
display the social inequalities as part of the normal trend
of life in the eyes of the subordinate groups (Cross 1993;
Bawden 1996). State ideology can be a privileged mechanism of legitimation if it is well widespread. In Mochican
times, this process was possible through the use of material symbols such as decorated pots with complex iconographic scenes (Bawden 1996; DeMarris et al. 1996).
The symbolic objects produced by specialist potters affiliated to the elite played a very important role, not only in
the maintenance of the Mochica social system, but also in
Nº 37 / 2009
Hélène Bernier
the development of the state. One has recently discussed
the role of the specialized production controlled by the
elite in the development of social complexity and political systems. The symbolic or prestigious goods allow the
emergent leaders and the elite to attract allies, to create
alliances, to establish ethnic identities, to increase social
inequality and gradually legitimate it and also to increase the scope of their authority (Inomata 2001; Vaughn
2006). In the north coast of Peru, although militarism
probably had an important impact in the formation of
the State (Shimada 1987; Wilson 1988), recent research
in the Santa valley demonstrate that the incorporation
of this valley to the Mochica territory was done through
the intensification and realignment of the economic relations within zones, and through ideological manipulation (Chapdelaine et al. 2003 Ms).
The specialized potters and the product of their work, especially fine ceramic potters exerted a profound influence over the development and the territorial expansion of
the political from Mochicas of the south. The use of images and visual symbols was an essential strategy in this
diplomatic process, and the disseminated images from
the producing centers should have been carefully chosen
by the state agents. In fact, the Mochica local elite that
was transplanted to the Santa valley, imported first fine
potters with decorative motives that expressed the dominant ideology and they employed them as luxury goods
and funerary offerings (Chapdelaine et al. 2005), and
later that elite stimulated the local production of those
symbolic objects.
DConclusion
The production of utilitarian and ritual ceramics was a
specialized activity in the Mochica society. One knows
several places of ceramic production in the Mochica
south territory. In the fine ceramic workshops of Huaca
de Moche and Cerro Mayal potters produced symbolic
and decorated objects which were used for rituals. Those objects were usually accessible to the urban population and possibly to the rural population. They were
also employed by the elite during public ceremonies. In
the utilitarian ceramic workshop from Huacas de Moche craftsmen produced pots that were necessary to the
172
daily life. The job organization of the specialized potters, varied depending on the produced object. Ritual
ceramics was produced by specialized potters, affiliated to several elite categories, while utilitarian potters
were made by independent potters. That distribution
of the work favored efficient behaviors at work and the
control of the economic spending from each group of
producers.
The utilitarian ceramics specialized production had a
profound economic impact in the daily life of the Mochica population. Several intermediate goods, produced in
Huacas de Moche and Cerro Mayal workshops, such as
decorated pots, figurines, musical instruments and ornaments, were used by urban leaders through strategies
intended to reach the increase of their own status and
authority. The specialized production of ritual ceramics
provided also important political advantages for socio
political leaders. Mochica ruling elite took advantage of
the work of specialized potters and also benefit from the
production of symbolic fine ceramics, to ease the social
integration of the community, the communication and
the consolidation of power by employing potters and
their symbolism in the diplomatic strategies of territorial
conquest which were put into practice in those times in
the Peruvian north coast.
Acknowledgments First of all, I would like to thank
Dr. Claude Chapdelaine, who gave me the opportunity to
participate in Project ZUM (Moche Urban Zone) under
his mentoring. I would like to thank him for his constant
support and generosity, and for his invaluable academic
and technical help. The data used to produce this article
come from ZUM Project and also from Huaca de Luna
project, which were conducted by Santiago Uceda and
Ricardo Morales from University Nacional of Trujillo. I
would also like to give thanks to Dr. Verónica Williams
for giving me the opportunity to participate in the symposium “History and Social Practices. Contributions
from Archeological Ceramics”, at the 52 International
Americanists Congress. Many thanks to the external
consultants who criticize the original manuscript and
provide valuable and useful advices. Finally, thanks to
Elisenda Vila Llonch and to Jorge Gamboa for the revise
of the Spanish language.
Nº 37 / 2009
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Specialized production of the domeStic and ritual mochica ceramicS

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